I visited Costa Rica as part of my Latin America trip to get a glimpse what this small, stable, democratic country in Central America looks likes from the inside. Costa Rica is a country that is often held up as a model democracy, especially given its regional context: neighbor to extremely poor countries that have suffered prolonged internal armed conflicts (Guatemala, El Salvador). The country also has a legacy of serving as a peacemaker to conflicts in the region.

Even those who don’t know much about the region might know that Costa Rica abolished its army back in the 1940s, and that its two-term President, Oscar Arias, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987 for his efforts to end civil wars then raging in several other Central American countries. The country ranks at the top of development indices for the region and has a strong tourism sector which draws visitors to its Pacific and Atlantic coasts and verdant rain forests.

Sadly, during my brief stay in Costa Rica I did not have an opportunity to venture out of San Jose. The city is not especially striking, so I did not see the true beauty of the country, which I understand is stunning.

While in San Jose, I met with local and international non-governmental organizations as well as two inter-governmental institutions (the Inter-American Institute for Human Rights and the UN’s University of Peace). Colleagues were generous in sharing their insights about Costa Rican society and the state of its democracy. During my stay I observed the high standard of living of the Costa Rican populous in relation to other Central American countries. There is a solid development infrastructure in place, and the branches of government function independently with a system of checks and balances.

At the same time, there are challenges that face this democracy, and the way these challenges will be a reflection of how strong and inclusive their democracy is, or whether it is lacking in this area.  Some of the central tensions I observed during the trip include the following:

* Costa Rica is a largely mestizo society (95 per cent) with the exception of the Afro-Costa Ricans of the Atlantic Coast and the small numbers of indigenous Costa Ricans. These minority groups do not receive much attention, support, or resources from the state. These groups have been historically excluded from full participation in the political and economic life of the country. The communities do not feature prominently in the public space or on the minds of the majority population. Many of the organizations I spoke with whom work on these issues say that it is as if the communities are “invisible.”  Afro and indigenous Costa Ricans are under-represented in higher education, and the political and public spheres.  I was impressed with the work being done by the Interaamerican Institute of Human Rights and CEDIN (http://www.cedin.org/) on these issues.

* A second and possibly less obvious, challenge facing Costa Rica’s society is its lack of receptiveness to its migrants. There is democratic resistance to foreigners, many of whom are there contributing to Costa Rica’s economy, and at the request of the coffee industries. Historically, Nicaraguans migrated to Costa Rica for political and economic reasons. More recently, Colombians fleeing the armed conflict in that country arrived. And then most recently, there is a new pattern of trafficking of drugs and people from Asia and the Caribbean.  Foreigners are treated poorly, and many stereotypes and myths exist about immigrants in Costa Rica (see a succinct report on this at: http://www.ticosynicas.org/?page=proyecto&tip=2&idp=15).  There is a lack of cohesion in local communities and schools between native Costa Ricans and the new Costa Ricans. From conversations I had it seems that the media may be exacerbating this situation through inflammatory reporting and by highlighting the nationality of individuals accused of crimes. We know that Costa Rica is not alone is addressing questions of inclusion of migrants, so it would be worth looking at international and comparative experiences which may be instructive to the country.

~ Jessica Berns

This is the second post from Jessica Berns, Program Director of Coexistence International (www.coexistence.net). She just completed a trip to Mexico, Costa Rica, and Peru to understand the coexistence challenges facing the region, and those countries in particular, and to learn from non-governmental organizations and governments about their efforts to create shared societies. This is her dispatch from Costa Rica.

I am in Mexico City participating in a regional conference for academics and practitioners which focuses on challenges and opportunities for development in the region. Themes included human rights; identity, citizenship, and nationality; and governance and political processes.

From my brief, 3-day stay in Mexico City, my participation at the conference, and in meetings I had with organizations working in Mexico and regionally on issues of human rights, community development, and peacebuilding, I have drawn some observations that I share here. The observations range from the specific to the general, from mundane to more significant, and are simply a snapshot.

•    Mexico is ready for the World Cup! Signs are up, venues are preparing for viewing, and you can buy the national jersey everywhere! Is Boston ready? Not like this!

•    No one can make sense of the traffic patterns in Mexico City. Some people says its worse between 6-8pm, and others says its always bad! I walked to a nearby hotel in 10 minutes, but it took almost 45 minutes to return by taxi.

•    Wireless at the hotels in Monrovia, Liberia, work more quickly and consistently than the wireless in Mexico City.

•    Decisions around the use natural resources, and who holds the rights to culturally significant and prosperous land are relevant in almost every country of the region. In most countries there are deep tensions, sometimes addressed through violence, sometimes through the judicial system, sometimes through dialogue, and sometimes unresolved, between indigenous communities who may have historic rights to the land, or presently occupy such lands, and the government, who is eager to use the land for its economic benefits, which may or may not bring wider societal benefit. Addressing these tensions through non-violent and participatory means is critical for sustainable development, economic growth, social inclusion, governance, and international relations. (See the Coexistence International paper on natural resources).

•    How can national education systems become more inclusive? An inclusive system is one, where, for instance, children are attending school at high rates (not like an example I heard here, where in one community 25% of school-aged children are not enrolled), where different cultures/languages are represented, and where the caliber of education is strong because teachers are well prepared and curriculums are dynamic. Throughout the region there are national education systems that are not serving to unify or embrace different populations. See the interesting work of the Organization of Interamerican States on this topic. These questions are equally relevant to education in the United States. A CI paper on coexistence and education looks at these questions from an international perspective.

•    The election of President Evo Morales (2005 and again in 2009), a leader from the indigenous community in Bolivia is a topic in international political circles, and was the focus of a number of presentations at the conference. Morales is the leader of a political party called the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS).  MAS was involved in social protests such as the gas conflict and the Cochabamba protests of 2000, along with many other groups, that are collectively referred to as “social movements” in Bolivia. The MAS aims at giving more power to the country’s indigenous and poor communities by means of land reforms and redistribution of gas wealth. A particular nuanced and informed presentation raised questions about the impact of Morales’ presidency on national and pluri-national identity, the redefinition of state identity and its manifestation in the new Constitution, and the exclusionary practices of his government.

Further resources:

• Spanish translation of “What is Coexistence and Why a Complementary Approach?”
• Jessica Berns’ powerpoint presentation from the FLASCO conference

Jessica Berns is the Program Director for Coexistence International (www.coexistence.net). She is presently on a trip to Mexico, Costa Rica, and Peru to understand the coexistence challenges facing the region, and those countries in particular, and to learn from non-governmental organizations and governments about their efforts to create shared societies.